In 2003, I urged the top leadership of the Indian National Congress to formulate
an Indo-US relationship that was people-centric. My most enthusiastic supporter
at the time was Mr. Natwar Singh, then the Congress Party’s foreign
policy head who later became India’s foreign minister. Mr. Singh, impressed
by my group Young India’s passion and articulation, called it a source
of “inspiration” while writing in a national magazine. Two years
later the government he represented signed a nuclear agreement with the Bush
administration. The much-touted people-centric focus of two years ago was
nowhere to be seen. Any claim of meaningful impact of this deal on India’s
rural masses (72% of the population) is weak at best and disingenuous at worst.
Impact on the American citizenry is yet to be acknowledged.
Independent of the position one takes on the deal itself it is hard to fathom
this emphasis placed on it in terms of the future of an emerging alliance.
The activism this deal has aroused presumes that a nuclear component to the
bilateral relationship will enhance it. Here is where the fundamental question
arises: what kind of a relationship do we want and what priorities should
it have? This should be determined by national debates involving ordinary
citizens of the two countries, not by bureaucrats or expatriates alone. The
relationship should address issues that confront both peoples and fosters
interaction that is mutually respectful and mutually beneficial. The common
goals spelt out by any policy of cooperation should address people-centric
objectives, not just “strategic” necessities. Such thinking will
prevent deals such as the civilian nuclear deal from disproportionately consuming
precious political and diplomatic capital.
If energy is truly to become a focal point of Indo-US engagement then energy
needs of both nations will be much better served by signing an Energy Initiative
that aims at developing alternative technologies to achieve energy independence
for both nations by 2015. Nuclear technology could well be a component of
a diversified energy portfolio while keeping both nations honest about disarmament
and nonproliferation. Such an approach will not only have obvious economic
benefits but also enhance the national security of both nations. This will
be far better than signing and funding an amorphous deal that barely touches
the American people beyond their representatives explaining that it is “strategically”
good.
Beyond a “strategic” alignment is there something that binds
the two nations on the basis of their founding principles and commits them
into a relationship that truly furthers these principles? Henry David Thoreau
inspired Mahatma Gandhi to use civil disobedience first in South Africa and
then in India to fight imperialism. Gandhi’s success then inspired an
extraordinary generation of Americans who used nonviolence to further the
struggle for racial parity. Every American that took a blow during the Civil
Rights movement without returning one in retaliation was inextricably linked
to an earlier generation from India that took blow after blow from the British,
who broke their bodies but not the Indian spirit. Such a history compels both
nations to have a moral obligation to peace. The saga of peace and freedom
that has played out in the two countries has inspired millions. They must
jointly persevere in addressing conflicts in non-militaristic ways. There
is much that both nations can do more than donating a few million dollars
to a democracy fund.
The mindset that has motivated the nuclear deal is in such stark contrast
to this pre-existing albeit forgotten bond mentioned above. Many can and do
argue that nuclear technology will be used for peaceful purposes and that
this deal will actually strengthen nonproliferation by bringing 14 of India’s
reactors under IAEA safeguards. India is not a proliferation threat to begin
with hence this deal barely changes the status quo. More troubling is the
glaring absence from these negotiations of any talk of test ban treaties or
any movement towards eventual disarmament. Tangible steps to make the world
safer are not in evidence.
If currying more and more favors from the US government is all the Indian
government wants to achieve as part of this relationship then India is on
the right track. But such an approach only undermines India’s position
as a partner. It sustains India’s dependency, both political and economic,
on the United States. Instead a collective resolve to address those challenges
that ordinary Americans and Indians face on a daily basis is required. The
bilateral engagement should be people-centric in a more direct way. It must
respond to the problems of small-business entrepreneurship, employment, education,
health-care, global trade, the environment, poverty and many more of the likes
that afflict the people directly. Only then will we cement a meaningful and
sustainable friendship - much stronger and durable than a “strategic”
partnership. Something to think about.
Rohit Tripathi
President, Young India, Inc.