The Indo-US nuclear deal has been at the centerpiece of controversy in the Indian
Parliament in the past few weeks. Debate and rational arguments are the heart of a
working democracy, and hence the expression of differing views on this topic is a healthy
sign. Detractors of the deal have mostly expressed concern over the operationalizing of
the deal, based on compromised sovereignty and a lopsided favorable bias towards the
US. However, a comprehensive debate on the fundamental driving forces behind the deal
and an objective evaluation of its implications has been largely been lacking.
The fundamental question that needs to be answered: “Is nuclear energy a good option in
the Indian context and at what cost?” Young India, Inc. has tried to explore this question
over the last one year and among other things hosted a world-class panel on Capitol Hill
on the issue. While there is no denying that India needs to diversify its energy portfolio,
there needs to be a thorough evaluation of available alternative sources of energy to
assess its costs and benefits, both short-term and long-term. Conducting such a costbenefit
analysis for nuclear energy reveals that there are several factors that make it
unattractive for the people of India.
Firstly, the security hazard that nuclear energy poses with regard to national security as
well as public safety is enormous. Given India’s high population density, the damage that
could be caused by a potential accident or negligence could be devastating. In such an
unfortunate event, the question of liability becomes significant. The administration must
share its plan for how it would adequately compensate those who suffer the harms of
radioactive exposure. It is noteworthy that accidents at a nuclear site need not to be the
only event that compromises citizens’ safety, but negligence or accidents during
transportation and handling of nuclear fuel and subsequent waste could be equally
disastrous. A nuclear waste management report is owed to the nation.
Safety concerns aside, another negative implication of this deal on India would be
dependence on foreign sources of raw material for the new nuclear reactors. India has
documented large deposits of Thorium, but relatively scarce deposits of Uranium and
Plutonium. With this new agreement, India would be building new nuclear reactors that
run on Uranium/Plutonium, which India will need to procure largely from the international
market. Although, the United States has assured supply of nuclear fuel to India, it is not
immediately clear that they are in a position to live up to such assurances without a
similar stance from other countries in the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group. It is not unreasonable
to envision a scenario where this dependence would ultimately put India in a vulnerable
position and hamstring its foreign policy. Thus, the deal actually hurts India's goal to be
more energy independent and thereby weakens its energy security.
Another important fact to keep in mind while addressing India's energy concerns is that
decentralized and diversified sources of energy are more effective in India than
centralized sources of energy like nuclear plants because the transmission and
distribution systems are highly lossy and inefficient. Therefore, several energy experts
believe that Indian energy needs would be much better served by promoting localized
sources of energy generation from renewables like solar-energy, wind energy, and small
hydro to minimize transmission distances and thus losses. Detractors of this deal must
urge the administration to focus energies and resources by incentivizing the development
of alternative sources of energy and the necessary entrepreneurship to make these
technologies market competitive. It is estimated that the Indian government will spend
around $100 billion on purchasing nuclear technology as a result of this deal. This begs
the question – Is this magnitude of capital better spent on other alternative forms of
energy to serve India’s long term energy interests?
Lastly, the most regrettable aspect of this agreement has been the primacy it has
achieved within the context of Indo-US relations. It is a mistake to earmark this deal, one
that is hardly universally accepted in both countries, as the platform for bilateral ties
between these two great democracies. Instead of this narrow focus on nuclear energy, we
would like the two countries to collaborate on a broader platform, which includes other
aspects like developing alternative fuel sources, implementing zero-emission coal plants,
improving end-user efficiency by allowing exchange of power-efficient devices, etc. Young
India is already engaged in drafting such legislation.
Looking ahead, even if this deal goes through and results in new nuclear plants being
built in India, it is imperative that the government takes some responsible measures. The
operation of these plants has to be made more transparent to the public. The government
must also adopt a fair policy in choosing sites for building these new plants, and
periodically assess the impact of these plants on the human population and natural
environment close to these sites. The government’s responsibility to have a carefully
planned strategy for proper handling of radioactive waste from the power plant cannot be
overstated.
We are non-committal on this deal until the questions we raised are reasonably
answered. India and the United States have to move in tandem to shape this young
century to empower their people and in the process their democracies. This,
however, must be done on a sustainable basis not a strategic one. Ours is an attempt to
urge policymakers and the public to objectively evaluate the Indo-US nuclear deal
thoroughly and hopefully add dimensions to a debate that has been at best woefully
inadequate.